AOC :'January 6 Was a Dress Rehearsal' for GOP Campaign to Expel Democrats

 AOC: 'January 6 Was a Dress Rehearsal' for GOP Campaign to Expel Democrats

The attack was just one of the first steps of the Republicans’ fascist takeover, Ocasio-Cortez said.

By Sharon Zhang

Truthout

April 27, 2023 - Republicans across the country are waging a movement to remove and censure Democratic lawmakers simply for speaking out against the GOP — a movement that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York) is saying is the next natural step after the GOP-backed attempted coup on January 6, 2021.

On Wednesday, Ocasio-Cortez spoke at a rally with Rep. Maxwell Frost (D-Florida) and Tennessee state Rep. Justin Jones (D), who Republicans voted to expel from the legislature earlier this month. At the rally, she said that the January 6 attack was just one of the first steps toward the GOP’s goal of total political control; rather than a large, violent coup, the GOP is implementing a slow takeover across the country.

“For [Republicans], January 6 was just a dress rehearsal. Because, legally, let’s not lose the plot: They were trying to block a duly elected official, in this case the president of the United States, from taking office,” she said.

“Legislatures across the country looked at that and [said], ‘you know what? Let’s try to get Representative Jones out from office. Let’s try to get Rep. Zooey Zephyr in Montana out of office. Let’s try to kick out the people because we cannot beat them,’” continued Ocasio-Cortez. “That is their motive.”

Ocasio-Cortez’s speech came as Montana Republicans voted to ban Zephyr, a Democrat and the first openly trans woman to be elected to the state’s legislature, from the House chamber for the remainder of the legislative session. The vote came after she spoke up for trans rights during a debate on a bill that would ban gender affirming care for minors, saying that Republicans backing the bill would have “blood” on their hands for voting to restrict access to the life-saving care.

Republicans honed in on the “blood” statement in supposedly justifying her removal, though it’s clear that their actual motivations were to silence a trans woman and Democrat in the chamber; saying one’s opponents would have “blood” on their hands is a common phrase in politics, but only Zephyr, it seems, has ever been punished for using it.

Zephyr’s removal is just one of Republicans lawmakers’ recent moves to silence their Democratic colleagues, in blatant displays of fascism. Just three weeks ago, Republicans voted to expel Jones and his colleague Tennessee Rep. Justin Pearson (D) because the two participated in a peaceful protest in the state House calling for gun safety reform after a horrifying shooting at a school in Nashville killed three 9-year-old children and three adults. The two were later reinstated after widespread outcry over their expulsion.

These votes came after the Republican-dominated U.S. House voted in February to remove Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minnesota), the first Black Muslim woman in Congress, from her committee assignments for what she said amounted to pure Islamophobia.

Meanwhile, Republicans and far right officials are rapidly eroding democracy across the country, slashing people’s rights, working to destroy voting rights in Democratic-leaning areas in particular and stoking vast corruption within the judicial system. Republicans’ fascist takeover seems to be happening in plain sight, while mainstream Democrats seem content to let it happen — though Ocasio-Cortez struck an optimistic note, saying that progressive movements will be able to stop them.

“I cannot emphasize enough — they will not win. This is the last gasp of a movement that is dying. This is what fascism does when it is on its hind heels,” she said. “It is always darkest before dawn. We are winning this thing.” ...Read More

The Disturbing World of the New GOP

“The Disturbing World of the New GOP.  “  John Nichols. The Nation.

 

https://www.thenation.com/article/society/republican-party-2022-midterms/

 

The Disturbing World of the  New GOP     The 2022 midterms saw the Republican Party complete its devolution into a party that has fully abandoned its conscience.   By John Nichols The Nation Nov 25, 2022 - The Republican Party that will take narrow control of the House of Representatives in January 2023 has gone through a dramatic transformation in the two years since Donald Trump and his allies attempted a violent coup to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election.    The party that was once torn over how to respond to Trump’s assault on democratic norms is no more. It was replaced in 2022 by one that did not merely tolerate Trump’s election denialism but embraced it by nominating January 6 insurrectionists and apologists for congressional and statewide posts—a strategy so noxious that it cost Republicans key US Senate contests and the “red wave” GOP strategists were counting on.    But post-election pundits who imagine that the party will do an about-face and suddenly adopt a more politically rational course are sorely mistaken. The new Republican Party has a base—and many leaders—that does not merely fall for Trump’s lies. Republican partisans are increasingly looking beyond the scandal-plagued former president and taking inspiration from right-wing European nationalist leaders with politics rooted in a fascist sensibility that employs racism, xenophobia, and a win-at-any-cost approach to elections and governing. This transformed Republican Party will exploit its control of the House and state posts for a 2024 presidential election in which Trump and a rising generation of ruthless partisans will plot a return to unitary power—with a vision that is dramatically more authoritarian than anything seen in the 45th president’s first term.   From Semi-Fascist to the Full-on Variety   This is something Democrats need to recognize as they prepare for this next political moment. They won’t be governing with a political party that realistically compares with the very conservative yet still institutionally inclined caucuses that controlled the House on and off between 1995 and 2019. In 2022, the GOP moved past its “semi-fascist” stage and began “barreling toward full-on fascism,” says former US representative Joe Walsh, who was considered among the most right-wing members of the House after his election in the Tea Party wave of 2010.    “The country needs to understand that my former political party is fully anti-democracy. It is a fascist political party. It is a political party that embraces authoritarianism,” as evidenced by Republicans at the 2022 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) celebrating European nationalists and domestic insurrectionists. “We’ve got to move on now and just defeat them.”   A lot of Republicans were defeated on November 8. But the party still won the power, via its new House majority, to derail much of President Biden’s agenda. Incoming House Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s Republicans did not gain as many seats as they might have achieved as a more conventional, institutionally inclined Grand Old Party running in a more traditional midterm election. But they succeeded in melding concerns about inflation and crime, racial backlash messaging, and a fiercely negative and immensely well-funded campaign to secure victories that should have been unimaginable. In part, this was because America’s rigid two-party system forces an either-or choice on most voters. Such a system creates a situation in which the right can exploit economic and social anxiety to attract voters who don’t necessarily agree with the whole GOP agenda but who want to—in the parlance of former Alabama governor George Wallace’s racist campaigns—“send them a message.”   The message this time is a daunting one, because the party that surfed a wave of resentment over high gas prices and post-pandemic instability is not the GOP of Ronald Reagan, the George Bushes, or Dick Cheney. None of those figures would have stood a chance in the Republican primaries of 2022. Indeed, Liz Cheney, the standard-bearer of the social and economic domestic conservatism and foreign policy neoconservatism that held sway until Trump came along, won just 28.9 percent of the vote in her Wyoming Republican primary reelection bid.   There is no question that the Republican Party began veering dangerously to the right long before the 2022 midterm election season. This is, after all, the party that welcomed Southern segregationist Strom Thurmond into its ranks during Barry Goldwater’s 1964 “extremism in the defense of liberty” presidential campaign. But as I watched the 2022 races play out in states across the country, it was clear to me, and to many other longtime observers of the GOP with whom I spoke, that it’s taken a far more dire turn. This Republican Party is proudly unapologetic about its excesses; there is an open acceptance that “we’re doing bad things and we don’t care because we think it will work politically.”   The determination that we saw in the none-too-distant past to maintain a veneer of respectability—with admittedly disingenuous efforts to push back against accusations that the party was running overtly racist, crudely xenophobic, and aggressively dishonest campaigns—has been abandoned. As has any willingness to acknowledge that particular candidates, such as the Georgia US Senate nominee Herschel Walker or the newly elected Ohio Senator J.D. Vance, are too toxic to be supported. Thus completes the GOP’s devolution into a party that has fully abandoned its conscience.   Whether the party is described as authoritarian, neofascist, or fascist, the trajectory is clear. “Trump had done everything he could to seize the laurel crown and declare himself an American Caesar,” says Sarah Churchwell, one of the great scholars of American fascism. “He hasn’t given up yet—and, what is more, neither have most of his supporters.” Even as the 2022 results pointed to dozens of races in which Trump’s interventions had saddled the GOP with weak candidates—who in many cases lost what should have been winnable seats—Republican leaders on Capitol Hill, such as House Republican Conference chair Elise Stefanik, rushed to endorse the 2024 presidential bid he announced in mid-November. And while the same pundits who imagined that Trump would be rejected by Republicans in 2015 and 2016 are now sure that Florida’s Ron DeSantis has the juice to snatch the nomination from Trump, polls still show Republicans favoring the former president by a wide margin over the governor he decries as “Ron DeSanctimonious.” The mistake the pundits are making is to imagine that most Republicans are eager to move beyond the crude hatemongering that has characterized that party since Trump banished talk of “the big tent” and started describing anti-Semitic white nationalists as “very fine people.”   Today’s Republican Party gleefully amplifies the language of its once shunned but now broadly accepted ideological mentor, Steve Bannon, the connoisseur of European fascist literature and movements. It embraces an ideology that promises not just retribution for political rivals—and for longtime targets of its vitriol, such as Dr. Anthony Fauci and the liberal philanthropist George Soros—but a wholesale restructuring of federal power.   Even with a narrow majority, a Republican-controlled House will immediately stop exercising its oversight powers to get to the bottom of Trump’s coup attempt and will begin attacking the January 6 committee’s investigators and the very notion of accountability. That will be only the beginning of a campaign to make Joe Biden a lame-duck president by rejecting his policy proposals and weaponizing the budget process to deny funding to federal agencies. Outlined in a September “Dear Colleague” letter from Texas Representative Chip Roy, an emerging force within the House Republican Conference, the strategy would reject continuing resolutions in order to block “tyrannical government agencies, offices, programs, and policies that Congress regularly funds through annual appropriations bills.” The theory is that the ensuing chaos will convince voters that only a switch to full Republican power will make the wheels of government turn once more.   If and when Republicans gain control of all three branches of the federal government, they will execute their explicit mission to politicize the government along the lines Bannon has laid out. In his War Room radio show and podcast, the veteran Trump whisperer amplifies the messages of the former president’s congressional coconspirators, election deniers, and extremist rising stars, promising that his reelection in 2024 will put “4,000 shock troops” in charge of reconstructing the federal government as a battering ram for right-wing ambition.

Trump/GOP Tax Proposal is Class War

Trump’s Tax Proposal: Class Warfare 

 – Bill Barclay

The Trump/GOP “Unified Framework” tax plan has something for everyone – if by everyone you mean the wealthy, corporate and non-corporate businesses and the alt-right.  The plan embodies both the neoliberal class warfare that believes poor people have too much money and rich people have too little money and connects with the social conservative politics that the Trump and the GOP draws upon to mobilize its supporters. 

Class Warfare: I

Some of the class warfare politics of the Trump/GOP proposals are obvious; others less so.  The proposal provides a small tax cut for households in the bottom three quintiles, ranging from about 0.5 – 1.2% of after tax income in all cases well under the $1,182/family income boost claimed by Rep. Paul Ryan.  At the upper end of the income pyramid, the story is much different.  Over half of the total tax cuts for individuals will accrue to the top 1% of households, boosting their after tax incomes by 8.5%. Of course, life can be even better: the top 0.1% households would grab an average tax cut of almost $750,000, capturing over 30% of the total tax cuts for families and individuals.  

And Trump has not neglected people like himself.  He – and others in his income and wealth sphere – will gain in three ways from the changes in the individual income tax.  First, the elimination of the alternative minimum tax (AMT): in 2005, Trump paid $38.4 million on income over $150 million – but without the AMT he would have paid only $7.1 million.