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French economist Thomas Piketty, of the Paris School of Economics, looked at
the major democracies with North Atlantic coastlines over the past couple of
centuries. He saw five striking facts: First, ownership of private wealth—with
its power to command resources, dictate where and how people would work, and
shape politics—was always highly concentrated. Second, 150 years—six
generations—ago, the ratio of a country’s total private wealth to its total
annual income was about six. Third, 50 years—two generations—ago, that
capital-income ratio was about three. Fourth, over the past two generations
that capital-income ratio has been rising rapidly. Fifth, the flow of income to
the owner of the dollar capital did not rise when capital was relatively
scarce, but plodded along at a typical net rate of profit of about 5% per year
generation after generation. He wondered what these facts predicted for the
shape of the major North Atlantic economies in the 21st century. And so he
wrote a big book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, that was
published last year.
It has
been a surprise bestseller. Thomas Piketty’s English-language translator, Art
Goldhammer, reports that there are now 2.2 million copies in print and e-book
form in 30 different languages scattered around the globe.
Piketty’s
big surprise best-selling book has one central claim: Two generations ago the
major North Atlantic economies were all four stable social
democracies—relatively egalitarian places when viewed in historical perspective
(for native-born white guys, at least), with political voice widely distributed
throughout the population, the claims of wealth to drive political directions
and shape economic structures not neutralized but kept within bounds. That was
the North Atlantic economy that we lived in and had grown used to as recently
as one generation ago. That, Piketty argues, was an unstable historical
anomaly. It is now passing away.
Piketty believes that the rising
inequality trends we have seen over the past generation and see now are simply
returning us to what is the pattern of unequal income distribution and dominant
plutocracy that is normal for an industrialized market economy in which
productivity growth is not unusually fast. We had thought otherwise, and grown
used to the social-democratic structure of two generations ago only because it
came at the end of an era in which productivity growth had been unusually fast;
the various political, depression, and revolutionary shocks to overturn established
and inherited wealth had been atypically large.
Read the entire essay.
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